Tuesday, June 14, 2005

I'll take Manhattanville

I'll take Manhattanville


There are some points that need to be clarified in Christine Lagorio's "Close-Up on Manhattanville" [villagevoice.com, June 1].

The Manhattanville area doesn't end at the Columbia University campus expansion target area. It covers from 120th to 135th streets, from St. Nicholas Avenue to the Hudson River. Lagorio writes: "Columbia has planned for three decades to build a glass-encrusted campus between 125th and 133rd west of Broadway�an area the university says currently only includes 140 legal apartments, one-third of which are unoccupied." Columbia has not been planning for 30 years; its future plans are for three 10-year development stages. Also, the residential buildings of which she writes are all fully occupied except for those undergoing rehabilitation or those that have been rehabilitated and are waiting for a certificate of occupancy. Some are destined to be Housing Development Fund cooperatives for low-income families; the others are intended for not-for-profit rentals. The only buildings that are vacant and dilapidated are the property of Columbia.


the Village Voice

Lagorio fails to point out that the increase in robberies within the 26th Precinct is mostly generated within the Columbia University population as students leave their laptops and cellulars lying about and they are stolen. The slight increase in the 26th and 30th precincts' crime stats have many explanations, all of them satisfactory, as overall the numbers are the lowest since the 1960s, making this one of the safest places to live in New York City.

Finally, I find irritating the tone of dismissal used when referring to our Manhattanville residents and the obvious delight at Columbia's plans as if they were the greatest thing since dry socks.

Jordi Reyes-Montblanc, Chair
Manhattan Community Board 9
Manhattanville

Fidel is Afraid Cubans daring to speak openly for freedom assemvle in Havana: Castro feels a chill

http://villagevoice.com/news/0523,hentoff,64647,6.html

the Village Voice

Liberty Beat

Fidel Is Afraid Cubans daring to speak openly for freedom assemble in Havana: Castro feels a chill


by Nat Hentoff
June 2nd, 2005 5:06 PM


Reports suggest that detention conditions [for Castro's political prisoners in punishment cells] amount to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment: these cells are said to be very small . . . with no light and no furniture; they lack sanitary provisions including drinking water, and are often infested with rats, mice and cockroaches; the prisoners . . . sometimes are not permitted to wear any clothing nor given any bedding. Amnesty International report "Prisoners of Conscience: 71 Longing for Freedom," March 18, 2005

This meeting is without a doubt a victory for Cuba's democratic forces. . . . There will be a before and after for May 20 in Cuba. Economist Martha Beatriz Roque, lead organizer for the Assembly to Promote Civil Society in Cuba and former political prisoner, spoken in Havana, May 20, 2005
You wouldn't know it from The New York Times or nearly all the media in New York (the purported center of communications for this nation), but in Havana on May 20�for the first time in Fidel Castro's 46 years of brutal rule�there was a public mass meeting, with subversive shouts of "Freedom! Freedom!"

As Anita Snow reported for the Associated Press, "A little more than half [of the 200] present [for the Assembly to Promote Civil Society in Cuba] were delegates from diverse opposition groups around the island. The rest were organizers, international journalists, diplomats and other special guests."
The resident dictator was clearly concerned at the refusal by these Cubans to be silenced for fear of being thrown into his gulags. He tried to keep the resistance quiet. As the Financial Times noted, "Cuba denied visas to dozens of European politicians and Cuban American leaders who sought to attend the meeting, and expelled four European deputies."

And, the AP added, "Cuba on Thursday expelled two European lawmakers who had planned to attend the gathering and refused entry to two others. . . . Six Poles�three journalists, a human rights worker and two students"�were also expelled.

Among the Cubans intending to come who were arrested beforehand were two independent librarians from eastern Cuba, Elio Enrique Ch�vez and Luis Elio de la Paz. In a quick, secret trial, they were charged and convicted for the crime of "dangerousness" (peligrosidad). They were a danger to his dictatorship.

In a letter smuggled out from their cells, the prisoners wrote that their captors told them their prison terms would not be publicly described as punishment but rather as a government work-study program. The librarians refused to be part of that cover-up and insisted to their jailers that they were being sentenced for their political positions.

Those nonviolent freedom fighters who did make it to Havana on May 20 had expected that Castro would try to prevent the meeting. After all, in 2003 he cracked down furiously on 75 dissenters who weren't even holding a meeting and put them away for long prison terms. So why didn't he shut down the May 20 assembly?

On the night of May 20, I heard a clueless BBC reporter from Havana say blithely of the dictator: "He doesn't see this as a threat at all."

A keener analysis appeared in the May 20 New York Sun by Meghan Clyne, whose extensive reporting in the days leading up to the May 20 assembly in Havana shamed the silent New York Times:

"As the Sun reported in March, Europe will be scrutinizing Mr. Castro's response to today's events as the European Union prepares to decide in coming months whether to renew sanctions imposed on Cuba after the regime's jailing of 75 freedom advocates in March 2003."

Knowing Europe was watching, the assembly's organizers, wrote Clyne, "had been so thorough in gaining foreign recognition of the event that it would be impossible at this point for Mr. Castro to prevent its taking place�as he did with the last similar attempt to stage a pro-democracy meeting, a planned gathering of the human rights organization Concilio Cubano, in 1996�without a significant international outcry."

Also, as Frank Calz�n, director of the Center for a Free Cuba in Washington, D.C., told Clyne�after Castro staged a huge anti-Bush rally on May 17, rounding up many thousands of Cubans�the staging of that event showed Castro "feels threatened by this group [organizing the May 20 meeting]." After all, as Calz�n's remarks were paraphrased in the Sun:

"A legitimate and freely elected leader doesn't need to rally hundreds of thousands of people to support him when confronted with hundreds of nonviolent dissenters."

While most of the American media were sleeping during the Cuban dissenters' preparation for May 20, Meghan Clyne reported that the House of Representatives had passed (392 to 22) a resolution, H.R. 193, expressing "support and solidarity to the organizers and participants of the historic meeting."

Among the 22 who voted against the resolution was New York's Charles Rangel because, he complained to the Sun, American politicians "refuse to give the government [of Cuba] the respect that it deserves." As for the imminent assembly on May 20, Rangel said, "I don't think it helps to be supporting insurgents overthrowing the government." It would be better, Rangel continued, to try "to reach out to the government to see what we can do to help both the government and people of Cuba, not just isolating them by dealing with dissidents."

Gee, what about such insurgents and dissidents as Samuel Adams, Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King�and Jos� Mart�, the poet and journalist who led the Cuban Revolutionary Party and was killed during his insurgency to liberate Cuba from Spain? Havana's international airport is named for Jos� Mart�.

Next week: my suggestions to Congressman Rangel on how he can reach out to Fidel Castro.



588.1

the Village Voice

Castro's poor

I want to thank Nat Hentoff for writing the truth in his article "Fidel Is Afraid" [Liberty Beat, June 8-14].

As a Cuban American I am often astounded by the lack of information released by the mainstream media about what really goes on in Cuba. I am infuriated, if not wounded, by people like Charles Rangel, who wants to give the Cuban government respect. Respect for what? Forty-six years of oppression? Just a few facts for you: Cuba's literacy rate before Castro was already among the best in Latin America, very few people did not get health care, and agricultural workers' wages were as high as virtually any country but the United States.

The entire myth of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara is built on lies romanticized by The New York Times and other mainstream media whores. Yes, there was poverty, and corruption was rampant in the Batista government, but there is poverty and corruption in every country. I bet there were more poor people in the U.S. than there were in Cuba before Castro. These days if you're in Cuba you are poor unless you are a high-level government official. Maybe Fidel is afraid, maybe not. One thing's for sure, though: The dissident movement will only grow.

Jorge X. de Tuya
Miami, Florida

Castro's Black Prisoner

the Village Voice

Liberty Beat


Castro's Black Prisoner
A follower of Martin Luther King and Gandhi in Fidel's custody for 22 more years


by Nat Hentoff
June 9th, 2005 5:41 PM


Dr. Biscet (left): His crime is his courage.
photo: Coalition of Cuban-American Women


Congressman Charles Rangel�a frequent, forthright defender of civil liberties on national television�has long been a paladin of black political and human rights in this country. He also worked to help remove South Africa's apartheid government, and he has been arrested at the Sudanese embassy in Washington for protesting the continuing genocide in Darfur.
Because of his record, I was surprised when�as nonviolent Cubans had the courage to gather in Havana on May 20 for the first public mass meeting for their freedom during Castro's 46-year dictatorship�Rangel was among the only 22 members of the House of Representatives who voted against a resolution (392 in favor) supporting this "historic meeting."

Then, as noted in last week's column, Rangel attacked American politicians who "refuse to give the [Castro] government the respect that it deserves." And he dismissed the Cubans defying the dictator�who, in 2003, locked up for long sentences more than 70 dissenters.

Said Rangel: "I don't think it helps to be supporting insurgents overthrowing the [Castro] government."

In view of this strange position for a passionate opponent of repressive governments, I asked several people who know Rangel if they could explain it. They were as surprised as I was, and couldn't.

But since Rangel also recommended reaching out to Fidel rather than "isolating" the people of Cuba, I have a suggestion as to how he himself can do just that. Surely Fidel would welcome this supportive, highly visible, anti-Bush-administration congressman if Charles Rangel were to go to Cuba to ask about one of the dissidents whom Amnesty International designates "a prisoner of conscience"�and who was named president of honor at the May 20 meeting of the Assembly to Promote Civil Society in Havana.

In its March 18, 2005 report on these prisoners, Amnesty cites "Oscar El�as Biscet Gonz�lez, 43. Sentence: 25 years . . . Prison: Combinado del Este Prison, Havana."

This is not the first time Dr. Biscet, a black physician, has been put away. When he was on the outside, as head of the Lawton Foundation for Human Rights, Biscet was locked up for three years for "disrespecting patriotic symbols." At a news conference, this follower of Gandhi, Martin Luther King, and the Dalai Lama committed the disgraceful crime of hanging a Cuban flag upside down. What sentence would Charles Rangel have given him?

Then in 2002, as Mary Anastasia O'Grady�a valuable chronicler of human rights abuses in Latin America�reported in the May 6, 2005, Wall Street Journal:

"Dr. Biscet's plan to create small groups meeting in private homes to promote human rights landed him in jail again and he received a 25-year sentence."

She noted that the website free-biscet.org reported that since Biscet was put away, "he has staged protests against Cuba's violation of human rights at the prison with acts of civil disobedience, such as fasting and holding prayer services."

During one of those acts of civil disobedience�his wife, Elsa Morej�n Hern�ndez, says�Dr. Biscet was among the prisoners who shouted, "Down with the Castro-Communist dictatorship." Like civil rights fighters in the United States and South Africa, Dr. Biscet has refused to cower in his cell, and at times that's been one of Castro's "punishment cells."

In these windowless three-foot-wide underground rectangular cells, the toilet is a hole in the floor; there is no access to light and no water, except that provided by the guard at his considerably less than compassionate discretion. As a political prisoner, moreover, Dr. Biscet often is forced to share his cell with nonpolitical inmates, some of whom have committed violent crimes.

Last year, according to an article on free-biscet.org, he was deprived of food rations for periods of time. "The family found Dr. Biscet's high blood pressure under control [he also has severe digestive disorders] but found him very thin, having lost around 60 pounds of body weight since his incarceration in Prison Kilo 8. [He has since been transferred to the Havana cell named above by Amnesy International.] His teeth are totally deteriorated due to the dire prison conditions he has suffered . . . and lack of medical attention which he refuses to accept because he distrusts the intentions of the military medical personnel at the prison."

Himself a doctor, Biscet is aware that the priority of military doctors at a prison is not the state of the patients but the commands they receive from their political superiors.

For example, consider the medical care of the American detainees, as reported in "The Abu Ghraib Scandal You Don't Know" by Adam Zagorin in Time magazine (February 14, 2005): "[T]he medical system at the prison became an instrument of abuse, by design and by neglect."

Dr. Biscet finds ways to send messages from his cell, among them "My conscience and my spirit are well." As Mary Anastasia O'Grady writes, "Perhaps his worst transgression is his courage, which makes him a dangerous inspiration to the many Cubans that are now organizing in small groups [throughout the country]."

Charles Rangel could be an inspiration to prisoners of conscience not only in Cuba but in other nations�and to the "ghost prisoners" whose names we do not know, and who are held in secret locations around the world by the CIA�if he went to Havana and spoke to Fidel Castro about Dr. Oscar El�as Biscet.

Fidel is an imposing presence, but so is Charles Rangel. In reaching out to Castro, the congressman could ask to see Dr. Biscet. In that small cell, Charles Rangel could provide this unbreakable black prisoner with reminiscences of another man of conscience and courage�Dr. Martin Luther King.

But now, New York City councilman Charles Barron�who once feted Zimbabwe's brutal dictator, Robert Mugabe, at City Hall�says of Castro (The New York Sun, May 26): "He is a true champion of human rights wordwide." What world is Barron living in?
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The Rascals Are At It Again; Councilmembers Want Four More Years Although Two Referenda Backed Term Limits

Subject: There They Go Again
Date: 6/14/2005 5:43:35 PM Eastern Daylight Time
From: starquest@nycivic.org
To: reysmontj@aol.com
Sent from the Internet (Details)


The Rascals Are At It Again;
Councilmembers Want Four More Years
Although Two Referenda Backed Term Limits

By Henry J. Stern
June 14, 2005

Twelve years after term limits for city elected officials were adopted by referendum, the City Council is making its third attempt to overturn the decision of the voters. The background and status of the issue is discussed in detail by Sam Roberts in an article which began on B1 and jumped to B4 in Saturday's Times. The column is not likely to be widely read, since on weekends in June, many New Yorkers are out of town, at parks and beaches, or occupying themselves in other ways than reading political analyses. In fact, prominent people have announced their divorces on Friday evening so as to attract minimal public attention.

Mr. Roberts has written an authoritative and sophisticatead piece which describes the history of the controversy and focuses on the most recent efforts of City Councilmembers to prolong their tenure. The term limits, approved in 1993, resulted in a nearly complete change of personnel after the 2001 election. Without making a definitive judgment on the new Council, (the members range in industry, intellect and integrity from Yassky to Jennings) it is undisputed that a lot of dead wood was removed four years ago?eople who won re-election term after term in districts gerrymandered for their convenience.

The latest effort at resuscitation is a brazen attempt by the incumbents (the usual suspects) to extend the eight year limit on their terms to twelve years, or possibly to abolish term limits altogether, notwithstanding two referenda that have been held on the matter, in which the people decisively supported the two-term limit for all city elected officials (mayor, comptroller, public advocate, five borough presidents and 51 councilmembers). The rule was simple: eight and out.

The Council's first foray into the area of term limits came in 1996, when under the leadership of Speaker Peter F. Vallone, it sent the issue back to the public by placing it on the ballot for a second referendum. When the votes were counted, repeal had lost, by a margin of 54 per cent to 46 per cent. Term limits stayed in effect. It is to the credit of Speaker Vallone, however, that he tried to reverse the public's decision by giving them another opportunity to vote on the matter. Fair and reasonable.

The next attempt was in 2001, the year that a majority of the Council would be ineligible to run for re-election. A few had decamped the previous year to the State Legislature, which has no such term limit rules. In fact, the longest serving state senator in the United States sits in Albany, our sleepy capital. He is John J. Marchi of Staten Island, who first took office in 1957.

Senator Marchi's greatest political moment came in June 1969, when he surprisingly defeated the incumbent mayor, John V. Lindsay, in the Republican primary. Lindsay went on to win re-election on the Liberal Party line in November, the first and only time the Liberals elected a mayor on their own. Mr. Marchi, the Republican candidate, came in third in the general election, with the Democratic nominee, City Comptroller Mario A. Procaccino, running second.

Many political analysts believe that, if Marchi had not defeated Lindsay in the primary, the race would have been one and one between Lindsay and Procaccino, and the comptroller would have won. Because of the upset of the incumbent in the primary, Lindsay was opposed in November by two (not one) Italian American and relatively conservative (by New York standards) candidates, Lindsay was re-elected with a plurality, but not a majority, of the vote.

Not wishing to be involved in another Republican primary, Lindsay and a number of his aides switched to the Democratic Party in August 1971. He then sought the Democratic presidential nomination in 1972, a candidacy that was widely regarded as premature at best.

In the 2001 attempt to extend their political lives, the incumbents garnered substantial support in the Council. The bill was defeated, however, in the Committee on Government Operations, in a 5-4 vote, with the deciding vote cast by the lone Republican on the committee, Stephen J. Fiala of Staten Island.

Mr. Fiala said that at the time he was personally opposed to term limits, but he felt that in a democracy, a decision made by the people should only be changed by the people, and not by a small group of those who would be adversely affected by the decision. Fiala is now the Richmond County Clerk, and a civic and environmental activist on the island.

In 2003, the Council pulled off a successful ploy which tweaked term limits slightly. Speaker Gifford Miller had been elected in January 2002 for a two year term. There was a midterm Council election to be held in 2003 (and every twenty years thereafter), required because of the redistricting that followed the decennial census of 2000. Miller and the Council passed a bill defining a term as four years, not two, so that he could serve four years as speaker. The bill also had a trick provision preventing people who had left the Council in 2001 from running in 2003, sparing incumbents from challenge by their immediate predecessors.

The Miller bill was challenged in court in Brooklyn. The law was invalidated in the Supreme Court but eventually upheld in the Appellate Division, 3-1. The feeling was that the changes were minor, and consistent with the eight year term, although some members who held fractional terms (like Mr. Miller) could serve longer. There is language in the opinion that the Council had the right to change the law, but a more substantial modification is likely to be disputed more vigorously.

That brings us to the present, where Councilmember Gale Brewer of Manhattan plans to introduce a bill, to be considered after the 2005 election, for the Council to extend the two-term limit to three terms. It is possible that others may seek to abolish the restriction altogether, or shrewdly wait until 2009 to change the three term limit to four terms.

Why should anyone want to leave the Council, with its six figure salary, including lulus, the lack of any restriction on outside work or income, the ample staffs, the mailing privileges at public expense for self-serving illustrated brochures, and all the privileges and emoluments which come with good pay and light work, which basically consists of intoning 'Aye' upon hearing your surname mentioned on a roll call?

The fight is just beginning, and we predict that newspapers and good government groups still have the vitality to oppose this latest attempt to overrule the people of the City of New York, who have twice voted that eight years is enough for these worthies, and at the end of that time they should be able to either find themselves another public office, or get a job elsewhere if they can.

But the Council insiders are utterly without shame, or regard for the decisions of the electorate. They can be expected, on the basis of past performance, to do everything they can to preserve their privileged positions of pomp and power.

Today, the cat is out of the bag. We know months in advance what the rascals are up to. And public discussion of the proposed coup can take place during the campaign, rather than after the election, when those elected will have four years in office before the voters can hold them accountable.

The City Council may not mean much in the larger picture. It was in 1965 that I first said that "the Council is less than a rubber stamp, because a rubber stamp at least leaves an impression." It has gained considerable power since then, in great part because of the persistent efforts of former Speaker Vallone. The Council has not significantly improved, however, in terms of the quality or independence of its members, so the negative evaluation which could have been applied to the former Board of Aldermen remains relevant in the 21st century.

One cannot leave the subject of the Board of Aldermen, predecessor to the City Council, without telling the story of the most abrupt conclusion ever to a meeting of the Board. Someone opened the rear door of the Council chamber and shouted, "Alderman, your saloon's on fire", and the room emptied immediately.

Today's City Council is much more reluctant than the old Board to clear out of their ornate chamber at City Hall, even when the law tells them it is time to go. Their final public service should be to depart, not in haste, but on time.

Hasta la vista, Councilmembers.

(A shorter version of this article appears on page 11 of today's New York Sun.)



Henry J. Stern
starquest@nycivic.org
New York Civic
520 Eighth Avenue
22nd Floor
New York, NY 10018
(212) 564-4441
(212) 564-5588 (fax)

www.nycivic.org

U.S. is the land of opportunity

U.S. is the land of opportunity


We are a nation of immigrants, neatly epitomized in Franklin Delano Roosevelt's ironic remark to the Daughters of the American Revolution: "Welcome, fellow immigrants." Immigrants come to America for many reasons, but mainly they come because it's the land of opportunity and upward mobility, where achievement is more important than in%AD heritance. Uprooting themselves from the familiarity of family, community, and even language and culture, they are self-selected risk-takers, which is why they tend to be hardworking, self-starting, creative and smart. It's also why immigration has been such an economic plus for America and why so many of us look so favorably on legal immigrants. But some Americans have reservations - and some, perhaps driven by nativist, anti-immigrant sentiment or concern over the cost of illegal immigrants, decry the huge waves of legal and illegal Hispanic immigration we've seen over the past 50 years. Just last week, the Census Bureau reported that America's 41 million Hispanics are now the nation's largest and fastest-growing ethnic group.

Alongside the success stories, 11 million illegals live in a shadow world within our borders, reinforced annually by hundreds of thousands more. They are mainly from Mexico, just a car ride away, so they can maintain real and emotional ties to their home country.

The anxiety is that Hispanics will retain their language and culture and thus remain isolated within America. In one popular phrase, the fear is that they will acculturate rather than assimilate, for Hispanics can easily remain within their own culture through Spanish TV networks, newspapers and radio stations. Given the size of Spanish-speaking enclaves in places like California, some even fear we might become a bilingual country.

The concerns are understandable, but the thing worth watching is not how much Hispanics are changing America but how much America is changing Hispanics. Statistics show they make the transition from Spanish to English in one generation.

Of the children born here to immigrants, only 7% rely on Spanish as their primary language, and nearly half have no Spanish skills at all. And by the third generation - meaning the first Hispanics born of U.S.-born parents - virtually none speak Spanish exclusively, and less than a quarter are bilingual.

This is no accident. According to a poll by the Pew Hispanic Center, 96% of Latinos believe English is fundamental to their future. By the third generation, 60% of Mexican-American children speak only English at home.

When Hispanics have children in America, they tend to sink deeper roots here and lose touch with the homes they left behind. Their goals are the essence of the American dream: economic opportunity and security, health and education, and home ownership. They place as much emphasis on the values of hard work and family as any group in America.

They are also intermarrying at a rate similar to that of other immigrant groups. By the third generation, a third of Hispanic women marry non-Latinos. They serve and die in the military as much as any other group in proportion to their population, and now comprise about 10% of the U.S. military.

Latinos have also done relatively well financially for a community that came here with virtually nothing. Nearly 80% live above the poverty line, and 68% of those who have lived here for 30 years or more own their own homes.

Their culture of hard work, in other words, has enabled them to climb out of poverty, and they are going through the same powerful process of change as any of the immigrant groups that have come to the United States, melting gradually but inexorably into our middle and working classes.

The one area where Latinos are lagging is education. Roughly 60% of Hispanics graduate from high school, compared with 90% of nonimmigrant Americans; only 8% get college degrees, compared with 26% of whites.

Their strong work ethic compounds the problem by drawing many young Latinos into the workforce before they finish high school, keeping high school graduation rates lower and trapping too many in low-wage service jobs. In fairness, the urban public schools that they typically attend have failed them, as they have failed so many others, for these are no longer the best schools with the best teachers, as they were a century ago.

The challenges of this wave of Hispanic immigration are daunting, but there's no reason to be pessimistic. The evidence suggests strongly that we will be able to absorb Hispanics - as we have earlier generations from Europe - and weave them into a dynamic American society. Not only that. Every new wave of immigrants has taught our nation something new and enriched our culture. This, in other words, is an opportunity, not a problem.



Originally published on June 11, 2005

New York Daily News - News & Views Columnists - Mortimer B. Zuckerman: U.S. is the land of opportunity
http://www.nydailynews.com/news/col/story/318157p-272069c.html

Monday, June 13, 2005

Handicapping The Kelo Case Is A Difficult Call Supreme Court ruling in New London eminent domain case could come tomorrow

Click here: TheDay.com, New London, CT
http://www.theday.com/eng/web/news/re.aspx?re=65cc462b-d517-40ee-9327-d444d0dc8634

Handicapping The Kelo Case Is A Difficult Call
Supreme Court ruling in New London eminent domain case could come tomorrow

By KATE MORAN
Day Staff Writer, New London
Published on 6/12/2005

New London � Attorneys on opposing sides of the Kelo v. New London case dispersed onto the plaza outside the U.S. Supreme Court immediately after oral arguments ended Feb. 22 to take questions from reporters on the proceedings in the most important property rights case in two decades.

Inside the court, the justices were hearing arguments in a second property rights dispute, Lingle v. Chevron, a sleeper of a case that was eclipsed in the media by Kelo but which will have profound effects on the way government can regulate private property.

At issue in Lingle was whether courts can toss out regulations they deem to be bad law � not law that is simply unfair but law too poorly conceived or crafted to accomplish its objective. If the justices had allowed courts to meddle in lawmaking in such a way, they would have touched off a flurry of challenges to laws that regulate land use, enact rent caps and protect the environment.

But the court took a hands-off approach with its unanimous decision on May 23 that the judiciary should let the legislatures conclude whether a particular regulation will be effective. The ruling, possibly a harbinger of what will happen in Kelo, was a disappointment to conservative groups who would limit the government's ability to decide how individuals can use private property.

Attorneys in Connecticut who have followed both cases were hesitant to predict what Lingle might mean for the outcome of Kelo, which should be decided by the court on a Monday in June. But they said the decision does not contain much good news for the homeowners who are trying to prevent New London from taking their property by eminent domain to make way for offices.

The best the homeowners can hope for, attorneys said, is that the Lingle ruling is a neutral indicator of what might happen in the Kelo case.

�It's very hard to read the tea leaves. To predict what's going to happen based on what the court said in Lingle would be risky,� said Michael Shea of the firm Day Berry and Howard, who wrote an amicus brief in the Kelo case for the Connecticut Conference of Municipalities. �Having made that disclaimer, I'd say as somebody who supports the city that we were pleased by the decision in Lingle and what it says about the standard of review the court is going to use for takings claims.�

The Lingle case arose after the Hawaii legislature passed a law in 1997 that capped the amount oil companies could charge dealers who rented retail gas stations from them. The state's isolation meant competition was limited, and the legislature hoped that the rental caps would help to deflate the price of gas for consumers.

Chevron, the oil company that controlled 60 percent of the market in Hawaii, sued the governor and the attorney general, claiming the rent ceiling amounted to a taking of property. The company also argued that the taking was improper because it did not advance the interest of the state. Consumers never saw a reduction in price so the law was ineffective.

The trial court and a federal circuit court sided with Chevron. In their decisions, both relied on a 1980 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that gave judges the right to examine whether a law �substantially advances� the interest of the state. When the Lingle case went to the Supreme Court this term, however, the justices used it to repudiate their earlier decision and renew the practice of deferring to legislative judgment.

Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, the author of the unanimous decision, said courts would be unduly burdened if they had to review every challenge to a regulation that limited what could be done with private property.

�If so interpreted, it would require courts to scrutinize the efficacy of a vast array of state and federal regulations � a task for which courts are not well suited,� O'Connor wrote. �Moreover, it would empower � and might often require � courts to substitute their predictive judgments for those of elected legislatures and expert agencies.�

Here is where some prognosticators believe the Lingle decision bodes poorly for the homeowners in the Kelo case. The attorney for the homeowners, Scott Bullock of the Institute for Justice, asked the court to rule that governments never have the right to seize private property to generate land for business development, even if such projects help the public by producing jobs and tax revenue. If the justices reject that argument, Bullock asked them to review whether developments have a reasonable chance of coming to fruition before courts authorize the taking of private property.

Some attorneys guessed that the court, given its history of deference in Lingle and other takings cases such as Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff, would not agree to conduct that sort of review.

�The Scott Bullock arguments are eclipsed, I believe, by the powerful statement in Midkiff about deference to legislative discretion. The fact that this is reiterated in Lingle suggests a pro-government stance,� said Dwight Merriam, a Hartford land use attorney who is editing a book about the Kelo case that will be published by the American Bar Association in October.

Bullock, however, was not particularly distressed by the Lingle decision. He said the Supreme Court used a separate line of analysis than it would be using in the Kelo case. While Lingle focused on questions of compensation, he said, the Kelo case revolves around whether the jobs and taxes created by private business development are enough of a �public use� to warrants the taking of private property. He noted that the Lingle decision never mentioned the court's seminal takings cases, the 1954 case Berman v. Parker and the 1984 Midkiff case, which will doubtless play heavily in the Kelo decision.

Bullock also said the Institute for Justice is asking courts for a different sort of review than Chevron was demanding in the Lingle case. He says his law firm, based in Washington, D.C., is trying to prevent the seizure of property for developments that are purely speculative. He said some of the property owners in the Kelo case could lose their homes even though the city has only nebulous plans for the property once the houses are gone.

�What Lingle was really talking about was whether this rent control statute would be effective, whether it would do the things it claimed to do,� Bullock said. �The court said it shouldn't be making those types of judgments. We're not asking if the office park will be successful or if it will create tax revenue, but we're asking if there is some likelihood that it will come about at all.�

Matthew Berger, a New London land-use attorney, said he thought Lingle was �devastating� for Kelo after he read the decision for the first time. But in a later reading, he homed in on a paragraph in which O'Connor points out that the question in Lingle is whether the rent control regulation is effective � not whether it served a valid public purpose. The primary question in Kelo, however, is whether economic development takings serve primarily a public or private use.

�Whoever wins, people will look back and say in retrospect that Lingle foreshadowed it,� Berger said. �The emphasis on legislative deference would seem to support the city's claims in Kelo, but having read Lingle, I still don't know who will win.�





Lead plaintiff Susette Kelo

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Handicapping The Kelo Case Is A Difficult Call Supreme Court ruling in New London eminent domain case could come tomorrow

TheDay.com, New London, CT

Handicapping The Kelo Case Is A Difficult Call
Supreme Court ruling in New London eminent domain case could come tomorrow

By KATE MORAN
Day Staff Writer, New London
Published on 6/12/2005

New London � Attorneys on opposing sides of the Kelo v. New London case dispersed onto the plaza outside the U.S. Supreme Court immediately after oral arguments ended Feb. 22 to take questions from reporters on the proceedings in the most important property rights case in two decades.

Inside the court, the justices were hearing arguments in a second property rights dispute, Lingle v. Chevron, a sleeper of a case that was eclipsed in the media by Kelo but which will have profound effects on the way government can regulate private property.

At issue in Lingle was whether courts can toss out regulations they deem to be bad law � not law that is simply unfair but law too poorly conceived or crafted to accomplish its objective. If the justices had allowed courts to meddle in lawmaking in such a way, they would have touched off a flurry of challenges to laws that regulate land use, enact rent caps and protect the environment.

But the court took a hands-off approach with its unanimous decision on May 23 that the judiciary should let the legislatures conclude whether a particular regulation will be effective. The ruling, possibly a harbinger of what will happen in Kelo, was a disappointment to conservative groups who would limit the government's ability to decide how individuals can use private property.

Attorneys in Connecticut who have followed both cases were hesitant to predict what Lingle might mean for the outcome of Kelo, which should be decided by the court on a Monday in June. But they said the decision does not contain much good news for the homeowners who are trying to prevent New London from taking their property by eminent domain to make way for offices.

The best the homeowners can hope for, attorneys said, is that the Lingle ruling is a neutral indicator of what might happen in the Kelo case.

�It's very hard to read the tea leaves. To predict what's going to happen based on what the court said in Lingle would be risky,� said Michael Shea of the firm Day Berry and Howard, who wrote an amicus brief in the Kelo case for the Connecticut Conference of Municipalities. �Having made that disclaimer, I'd say as somebody who supports the city that we were pleased by the decision in Lingle and what it says about the standard of review the court is going to use for takings claims.�

The Lingle case arose after the Hawaii legislature passed a law in 1997 that capped the amount oil companies could charge dealers who rented retail gas stations from them. The state's isolation meant competition was limited, and the legislature hoped that the rental caps would help to deflate the price of gas for consumers.

Chevron, the oil company that controlled 60 percent of the market in Hawaii, sued the governor and the attorney general, claiming the rent ceiling amounted to a taking of property. The company also argued that the taking was improper because it did not advance the interest of the state. Consumers never saw a reduction in price so the law was ineffective.

The trial court and a federal circuit court sided with Chevron. In their decisions, both relied on a 1980 U.S. Supreme Court ruling that gave judges the right to examine whether a law �substantially advances� the interest of the state. When the Lingle case went to the Supreme Court this term, however, the justices used it to repudiate their earlier decision and renew the practice of deferring to legislative judgment.

Justice Sandra Day O'Connor, the author of the unanimous decision, said courts would be unduly burdened if they had to review every challenge to a regulation that limited what could be done with private property.

�If so interpreted, it would require courts to scrutinize the efficacy of a vast array of state and federal regulations � a task for which courts are not well suited,� O'Connor wrote. �Moreover, it would empower � and might often require � courts to substitute their predictive judgments for those of elected legislatures and expert agencies.�

Here is where some prognosticators believe the Lingle decision bodes poorly for the homeowners in the Kelo case. The attorney for the homeowners, Scott Bullock of the Institute for Justice, asked the court to rule that governments never have the right to seize private property to generate land for business development, even if such projects help the public by producing jobs and tax revenue. If the justices reject that argument, Bullock asked them to review whether developments have a reasonable chance of coming to fruition before courts authorize the taking of private property.

Some attorneys guessed that the court, given its history of deference in Lingle and other takings cases such as Hawaii Housing Authority v. Midkiff, would not agree to conduct that sort of review.

�The Scott Bullock arguments are eclipsed, I believe, by the powerful statement in Midkiff about deference to legislative discretion. The fact that this is reiterated in Lingle suggests a pro-government stance,� said Dwight Merriam, a Hartford land use attorney who is editing a book about the Kelo case that will be published by the American Bar Association in October.

Bullock, however, was not particularly distressed by the Lingle decision. He said the Supreme Court used a separate line of analysis than it would be using in the Kelo case. While Lingle focused on questions of compensation, he said, the Kelo case revolves around whether the jobs and taxes created by private business development are enough of a �public use� to warrants the taking of private property. He noted that the Lingle decision never mentioned the court's seminal takings cases, the 1954 case Berman v. Parker and the 1984 Midkiff case, which will doubtless play heavily in the Kelo decision.

Bullock also said the Institute for Justice is asking courts for a different sort of review than Chevron was demanding in the Lingle case. He says his law firm, based in Washington, D.C., is trying to prevent the seizure of property for developments that are purely speculative. He said some of the property owners in the Kelo case could lose their homes even though the city has only nebulous plans for the property once the houses are gone.

�What Lingle was really talking about was whether this rent control statute would be effective, whether it would do the things it claimed to do,� Bullock said. �The court said it shouldn't be making those types of judgments. We're not asking if the office park will be successful or if it will create tax revenue, but we're asking if there is some likelihood that it will come about at all.�

Matthew Berger, a New London land-use attorney, said he thought Lingle was �devastating� for Kelo after he read the decision for the first time. But in a later reading, he homed in on a paragraph in which O'Connor points out that the question in Lingle is whether the rent control regulation is effective � not whether it served a valid public purpose. The primary question in Kelo, however, is whether economic development takings serve primarily a public or private use.

�Whoever wins, people will look back and say in retrospect that Lingle foreshadowed it,� Berger said. �The emphasis on legislative deference would seem to support the city's claims in Kelo, but having read Lingle, I still don't know who will win.�





Lead plaintiff Susette Kelo

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� Police Turn To Internet To Dispose Of Old Cruisers, Seized Property
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Class Matters - Social Class in the United States of America - The New York Times

New York Times

CLASS MATTERS
A Special Section

ABOUT THE SERIES A team of reporters spent more than a year exploring ways that class - defined as a combination of income, education, wealth and occupation - influences destiny in a society that likes to think of itself as a land of unbounded opportunity.

� Day 1: Overview
� Day 2: Health
� Day 3: Marriage
� Day 4: Religion
� Day 5: Education
� Day 6: Immigration
� Day 7: New Status Markers
� Day 8: The 'Relo' Class
� Day 9: The Hyper-Rich
� Day 10: Class and Culture
� Day 11: Up From the Projects

Times Books will publish the Class Matters series as a paperback in September.


OVERVIEW
Shadowy Lines That Still Divide
By JANNY SCOTT and DAVID LEONHARDTThis series does not purport to be the last word on class. It offers no nifty formulas for pigeonholing people. Instead, it represents an inquiry into class as Americans encounter it.
� Multimedia & Graphics From This Series
� Interactive Graphics: Where Do You Fit In? Poll Results
� Bibliography: Selected Readings Related to This Series



Life at the Top in America Isn't Just Better, It's Longer
By JANNY SCOTTThree New Yorkers with little in common faced a single, common threat. But in the months that followed their heart attacks, their experiences diverged.
� Interactive Feature: Two Heart Attack Stories


When Richer Weds Poorer, Money Isn't the Only DifferenceB
y TAMAR LEWINMarriage between people of different classes often means moving outside comfort zones, as Dan Croteau and Cate Woolner have learned.
� Audio Slide Show: A Marriage of Unequals


Up From the Holler: Living in Two Worlds, at Home in Neither
By TAMAR LEWINDella Mae Justice grew up poor in East Kentucky and went on to become an attorney. Now she's back home, but her change of status has left her a little off balance.� Interactive Feature: Della's Story


On a Christian Mission to the Top
By LAURIE GOODSTEIN and DAVID D. KIRKPATRICKSome affluent evangelicals are directing attention and money at some of the tallest citadels of the secular elite: the Ivy League.
� Audio Slide Show: Preaching to the Elite


OFF TO IRAQ
Blue Collars in Olive Drab
By JONATHAN D. GLATERA deployment for Iraq was tough on these National Guard members and their families.
� Slide Show


The College Dropout Boom
By DAVID LEONHARDTCollege dropouts make up one of the largest and fastest-growing groups of young adults in America. Most, like Andy Blevins, come from poor and working-class families.
� Audio Slide Show: One Family, Two Stories


No Degree, and No Way Back to the Middle
By TIMOTHY EGANWhen Jeff Martinelli and Mark McClellan lost their jobs, they found that the market did not value their factory skills nearly as much as it did four years of college.
� Audio Slide Show



15 Years on the Bottom Rung
By ANTHONY DePALMAMexican immigrants like Juan Manuel Peralta are finding the American dream more elusive than many earlier immigrants, like John Zannikos.
� Audio Slide Show: Two Immigrant Stories
� Who Has Work? He Who Finds Busboys


When the Joneses Wear Jeans
By JENNIFER STEINHAUERSo many Americans have access to such a wide array of high-end goods that traditional markers of status have lost their meaning.


The Five-Bedroom, Six-Figure Rootless Life
By PETER T. KILBORNThe Links are part of the "relo" class, members of a growing segment of the upper middle class that hopscotches from one satellite suburb to another every few years.
� Interactive: Audio Slide Shows and Graphics


Old Nantucket Warily Meets the New
By GERALDINE FABRIKANTThe mix of the old aristocratic families with the new hyper-rich on the island often plays out as a tug-of-war over money and class.
� Slide Show: Rich on Nantucket


Richest Are Leaving Even the Rich Far Behind
By DAVID CAY JOHNSTONThe people at the top of America's money pyramid have pulled far ahead of the rest of the population in recent years, an analysis of tax records and other data shows.
� Graphic: Not Since the 20's Roared
� Graphic: Wealthiest Benefit More From Tax Cuts
� About the Data: Sources for the Calculations


In Fiction, a Long History of Fixation on the Social Gap
By CHARLES McGRATHThere is an un-American secret at the heart of American culture: for a long time, it was preoccupied by class.
� Multimedia & Graphics



Angela Whitiker's Climb
By ISABEL WILKERSONAngela Whitiker has gone from welfare statistic to the middle class. She and her oldest son, Nicholas, were profiled in The Times in 1993.
� A Success Story That's Hard to Duplicate
� Photographer's Journal: Angela's Journey
� The Manful Life of Nicholas, 10 (April 4, 1993)


ESSAYS
Encounters With Class
Christopher Buckley, Richard Price, Diane McWhorter, Linda Chavez and David Levering Lewis describe their encounters with class.
� Forum: Share Your Encounters With Class

Saturday, June 11, 2005

Repairing Senate's Record on Lynching

Repairing Senate's Record on Lynching
'Long Overdue' Apology Would Be Congress's First for Treatment of Blacks

By Avis Thomas-Lester
Washington Post Staff Writer
Saturday, June 11, 2005; Page A01

Anna Holmes remembers hearing about the bridge when she was a little girl.

It stood somewhere near the spot where the Collington and Western branches of the Patuxent River met in Upper Marlboro, less than a quarter-mile from the Marlboro jail.

Fred Tutman of Prince George's County sits next to a tree on his family's land that a previous owner used for lynching. (By Marvin Joseph -- The Washington Post)

75 Years Later, Scars Linger
James Cameron can still recall the feel of the rope around his neck.

"I used to hear them talking about the lynchings," said Holmes, 79, who grew up in central Prince George's County.

It was on the bridge that a black man named Stephen Williams, accused of manhandling a white woman, was beaten and hanged about 3 in the morning on Oct. 20, 1894. A masked mob snatched him from his jail cell and dragged him as he pleaded for his life.

"When the Marlboro bridge was reached the rope was quickly tied to the railing and amid piteous groans Williams was hurled into eternity," The Washington Post reported.

At the time, there was no federal law against lynching, and most states refused to prosecute white men for killing black people. The U.S. House of Representatives, responding to pleas from presidents and civil rights groups, three times agreed to make the crime a federal offense. Each time, though, the measure died in the Senate at the hands of powerful southern lawmakers using the filibuster.

The Senate is set to correct that wrong Monday, when its members will vote on a resolution to apologize for the failure to enact an anti-lynching law first proposed 105 years ago.
(more)

The Legislature Deconstructed, The Schools Questioned,

Subject: We Could Do Better
Date: 6/10/2005 8:03:34 PM Eastern Daylight Time
From: starquest@nycivic.org
To: reysmontj@aol.com
Sent from the Internet (Details)


The Legislature Deconstructed, The Schools Questioned, Today's Politics Skewered, and a Tragic Death in Mexico.

By Henry J. Stern
June 10, 2005

Today is the tenth anniversary of the opening of the movie Pocahontas in Central Park. It was the first park event for which the city received $1 million from Disney. The film was shown on giant screens arranged, facing inward, along the borders of the Great Lawn. It was permissible only because, at that time, in 1995, much of the the Great Lawn was a dustbowl, the grass withered, the earth cracked and Turtle Pond steeped in sludge.

We also felt that it was important to show that Central Park, was a safe place for a hundred thousand people to gather on an evening in June. The city was recovering from the period when two thousand people were murdered each year, and although the turndown began several years before that, the public had not fully perceived the improvement.

Numerous references to newspaper stories about the city are provided by Robert Hardt, political editor of New York 1, who compiles political itch, and by Gotham Gazette, a project of the Citizens Union Foundation. New York Civic is more of a boutique, specializing in areas of government activity which we believe to be in particular need of reform. Our goal is to encourage honesty, efficiency and fairness, and to discourage those whose conduct in office fails to meet high standards.

There are two columns in today's New York Sun that we believe deserve a wider audience. You can read them at your leisure over the weekend.

New York State's inability to transact business is excoriated by John P. Avlon, in "INCOMPETENT ALBANY GOES INTERNATIONAL". He focuses on the defeat of the West Side Stadium, which he calls the result of arrogance, incompetence, possible corruption, inefficiency and dysfunctionality. However you feel about the merits of the stadium, it is evident from years of dismal experience that Albany is a horror show.

In another column, "SHORTCUT CLASSICS IN CITY SCHOOLS," Andrew Wolf writes about the takeover of New York City schools by a postmodern ideology which he sees as destructive to learning. He says that children are not encouraged to read books, but must limit themselves to small sections. Wolf's writing is vivid, his descriptions are specific, and his conclusions are frightening. It would be valuable to read contrary views expressed by those in authority. The educrats' strategy, however, appears to be to avoid discussing the questions that critics raise. Say it ain't so, Joel.

Fortunately, New York Civic is not the only voice crying in the wilderness about the state of politics today, we have linked to a column written by Mike Schenkler, publisher of the Queens Tribune, a chain of weeklies serving neighborhoods in Queens County. The significance of the article is that distaste for the system is not confined to the towers of Manhattan. There are others who are indignant at the money-powered circus in which our elected officials perform. We assume that most of our readers share that distaste. If you do not, let us hear from you, by e-mail to StarQuest@nycivic.org.

Just to show that, however we complain, things are better here than in other places, we forward this brief Associated Press article which was published on pA25 of today's Newsday. The title is distressing: "NEW COP CHIEF KILLED IN MEXICO", but the story is even sadder than that. You should read it.



Henry J. Stern
starquest@nycivic.org
New York Civic
520 Eighth Avenue
22nd Floor
New York, NY 10018
(212) 564-4441
(212) 564-5588 (fax)

www.nycivic.org

NYC Charter Revision Commission -- Preliminary Recommendations for Charter Revision Available Online

Subject: NYC Charter Revision Commission -- Preliminary Recommendations for Charter Revision Available Online
Date: 6/10/2005 6:17:49 PM Eastern Daylight Time
From: MyNYC@nyc.gov
To: reysmontj@aol.com
Sent from the Internet (Details)


Friday, June 10, 2005

The New York City Charter Revision Commission Preliminary Recommendations for Charter Revision is now available on its website.

Log on to www.nyc.gov/charter, click on Reports & Ballot Issues and follow the link to the June 10 report.

Reminder: The Commission will hold a June 15 public meeting and public hearing at 6 p.m. in the Henry Kaufman Management Center, New York University, Room 2-60, 44 West 4th Street, Manhattan.

To contact the Commission by email, please visit
http://www.nyc.gov/html/mail/html/mailcharter.html


This is the NYC.gov news you requested for:
Charter Revision Commission Updates

To comment on this news service please go to this link http://www.nyc.gov/html/misc/html/news_feedback.html

OEM Offers Tips to Help New Yorkers Beat the Heat

Subject: OEM Offers Tips to Help New Yorkers Beat the Heat
Date: 6/10/2005 2:29:44 PM Eastern Daylight Time
From: MyNYC@nyc.gov
To: reysmontj@aol.com
Sent from the Internet (Details)


June 10 , 2005


THIS IS THE NYC.gov NEWS YOU REQUESTED FOR: Emergency Preparedness, Notifications and Alerts, OEM News & Events, and Information for Community-Based Organizations



OEM OFFERS TIPS TO HELP NEW YORKERS BEAT THE HEAT



June 10 , 2005 - With warm temperatures and humidity forecast through the weekend, the Office of Emergency Management (OEM) urges New Yorkers to take appropriate steps to stay cool.

People planning to spend time outdoors should be mindful of the heat and heed the following tips to stay safe:


If possible, stay out of the sun. When in the sun, wear sunscreen (at least SPF 15) and a hat to protect your face and head. Dress in lightweight, light-colored, loose-fitting clothing that covers as much skin as possible.
Drink fluids - particularly water - even if you do not feel thirsty. Your body needs water to keep cool. Avoid beverages containing alcohol or caffeine.
Avoid strenuous activity, especially during the sun's peak hours - 11 a.m. to 4 p.m.
Never leave children, seniors, or pets in a parked car during periods of intense summer heat.
Make a special effort to check on your neighbors, especially seniors and people with special needs.
Energy Conservation and Power Outages

Power outages are more likely to occur during warm weather, when utility usage is at its peak. OEM urges residents to conserve energy to help prevent power disruptions.

Set your air conditioner thermostat no lower than 78 degrees.
Only use the air conditioner when you are home. If you want to cool your home before you return, set a timer to have it switch on no more than a half-hour before you arrive.
Turn non-essential appliances off.
Only use appliances that have heavy electrical loads early in the morning or very late at night.

Fire Hydrants and Spray Caps

Opening fire hydrants without spray caps is wasteful and dangerous. Call 311 to report an open hydrant. Hydrants can be opened legally if equipped with a City-approved spray cap. One illegally opened hydrant wastes up to 1,000 gallons of water per minute, while a hydrant with a spray cap only puts out around 25 gallons per minute. Spray caps can be obtained by an adult 18 or over, free of charge, at local firehouses.

Learn more about how to stay cool all summer long with OEM's Ready New York: Beat the Heat guide (in PDF). For more information about heat-related hazards and the Ready New York campaign, visit OEM's website or call 311.

Thursday, June 09, 2005

Pieces for Peace: Bringing the World to Harlem



*Media Alert*
*Media Alert*



Pieces for Peace: Bringing the World to Hamilton Heights

New York Public Art Organization CITYarts kicks-off international art project that will inject new life into the community

When: June 15, 9am � 11am

Program 9 � 10 AM

Daryle A. Young, Principal of PS192M:
Welcome Address


Tsipi Ben-Haim, Executive and Artistic Director, CITYarts:
Presentation of Pieces for Peace mosaic project including exhibition of art works by international students:


William Castro, Commissioner of Manhattan Parks:
�The crucial importance of Pieces for Peace for the Harlem Schiff Park and Community�



10 � 11 AM
Internationally renowned New York City artists Peter Sis and Lanie Lee conduct workshops with 60 students from PS 192M Elementary School to create tile-size paintings on the topic of peace to be included in the project


Where: Jacob H. Schiff Elementary School
P.S. 192M, 500 West 138th Street, New York, New York, 10031


Audience: School Assembly: students; parents; Sponsors; City Officials



Background: CITYarts� Pieces for Peace Mosaic Project builds bridges of international understanding between NYC youth and their peers from around the world. Together, led by professional artists, they will design and create a mosaic on a 200 ft wall in Jacob H. Schiff Playground, Hamilton Heights as well as online. Additionally, a traveling exhibition of over 300 art works is planned to start at Flushing Town Hall in September.



For Further information Maria Hoffmann, CITYarts at 212 966 0377 or by email: admin@cityarts.org

Project Website: http://www.cityarts.org/p4p_project/index.htm



Maria Hoffmann
"Pieces for Peace" Coordinator
CITYarts, Inc.
525 Broadway, Ste 700
New York, NY 10012
t: 212 966 0377
f: 212 966 0551
admin@cityarts.org
www.cityarts.org

Department of Environmental Protection Urges That Fire Hydrants Remain Closed

Subject: Department of Environmental Protection Urges That Fire Hydrants Remain Closed
Date: 6/9/2005 12:52:16 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time
From: MyNYC@nyc.gov
To: reysmontj@aol.com
Sent from the Internet (Details)


"General NYC News" and "Environmental News" June 9, 2005


Department of Environmental Protection Urges That Fire Hydrants Remain Closed

Commissioner Emily Lloyd of the New York City Department of Environmental Protection urges New Yorkers to not open fire hydrants illegally during the current heat wave. Hydrants can be opened legally with a free, City-issued spray cap.

Illegally opened hydrants can lower water pressure, causing problems at hospitals and other medical care facilities, and hindering fire-fighting by reducing the flow of water to hoses and pumps. Also, children can be at serious risk, because the powerful force of a open hydrant without a spray cap can push them into oncoming traffic.

The penalty for opening a hydrant without a spray cap is $500. To report illegally opened hydrants or other water or sewer complaints, call the City's 24-hour help line at 311.

Free Hydrant Spray Caps Available

Hydrants can be opened legally if equipped with a City-approved spray cap. One illegally opened hydrant wastes up to 1,000 gallons of water per minute, while a hydrant with a spray cap only puts out around 25 gallons per minute. Spray caps can be obtained by an adult 18 or over, free of charge, at local firehouses. More

Virginia Fields on Air America/Morning Sedition Friday at the Strand Bookstore

Subject: Virginia Fields on Air America/Morning Sedition Friday at the Strand Bookstore
Date: 6/9/2005 6:56:51 AM Eastern Daylight Time
From: kitchen@hellskitchen.net
Sent from the Internet (Details)


Sometime between 6-9 AM Friday. Ambush, Anyone?

http://shows.airamericaradio.com/ms/


Live at The Strand - Friday!
Marc Maron takes Morning Sedition's summer tour of New York City to the legendary Strand bookstore (828 Broadway @ 12th Street) on Friday, June 10th! Flying solo, Maron kicks off our series of live interviews with the city's mayoral candidates. First up: Manhattan Borough President C. Virginia Fields. But we're not forgetting the funny. Mordantly funny actor/author Eric Bogosian swings by, as does cartoonist Ward Sutton and comedian Jim David. Plus, some live comedy from the Morning Sedition's regular crew. Come to the Strand, check out some live comedy, grill your possible next mayor and maybe even buy a book. It wouldn't kill you to read a little. And, yes, there will be freebies.

Now, you can PODCAST Morning Sedition!
Catch up on recent shows here. Each day's show will be posted by 10am Eastern Time. See, Marc. iPods are good.


Other ways to listen...
Online streaming from 9-noon, eastern time, courtesy of Talk City in Sacramento. You can listen here. (Check our "About the Show" page for still more ways to get your dose of Sedition!)

---------------

Monday - Friday, 6:00-9:00am EST


(and "The Best of Morning Sedition" Saturdays, 6:00-10:00am EST)

What is Morning Sedition?

It's your daily wake-up call, with a healthy shot of laughter and a thorough look at the day's news; not just what the mainstream media are focusing on, but the stories they DON'T tell you about. It's all brought to you by comedian and reluctant messiah Marc Maron (creator of the book and one-man show "Jerusalem Syndrome") and New York radio veteran Mark Riley, abetted by newsreader Wayne Gilman. Together, they bring you the day's big stories, thoughtful explorations of the issues underlying those stories, and far more fun than any self-respecting liberal is supposed to have.

Morning Sedition's regular segments -- from Maron and a writing crew that includes veterans of "The Daily Show" -- include "The Liberal Agenda," Barbra Streisand's daily marching orders for all good liberals, and "Planet Bush," reports from the alternate reality in which our nation's leader operates.

Morning Sedition also breaks news. Past highlights include unearthing and airing the first national reading of "The Pet Goat," the story that kept President Bush entranced while his country counted on him to lead; the first interview with voting commission chairman "Buster" Soaries after rumors floated that the elections might be delayed in the event of a terror attack, and our breach of security during the RNC convention, demonstrating just how shoddy Pres. Bush's security measures are, even when it's his own party on the line.

Past guests include: Former President Bill Clinton, Pat Buchanan, Tim Robbins, Michael Stipe, Ambassador Joe Wilson, Gov. Howard Dean, Sen. Patrick Leahy, Sen. Bob Graham, Will Ferrell, Robert Reich, the Rev. Al Sharpton and many others.

Join us for Morning Sedition, while it's still legal.

CONTACT US!

You can write to us at: http://forums.airamericaradio.com/weblogs/ms/templates/ce/mailtsedition@airamericaradio.com.


You can send your questions about the Rapture, Jesus and other god stuff to Milf Cardinal Milfington at http://forums.airamericaradio.com/weblogs/ms/templates/ce/mailtchristismad@airamericaradio.com.


And you can call in to the show from 6 to 9 a.m. eastern time, at 866-303-2270 (866-303-AAR0). (If you can't get through, that doesn't mean we don't want to hear from you! You can also leave a message for us at (646) 274-3678. Leave your name and let us know where you're calling from. And most of all, remember that whatever you say might be used on the air!)

Unlike Stadium on West Side, an Arena in Brooklyn Is Still a Go

New York Times

Unlike Stadium on West Side, an Arena in Brooklyn Is Still a Go


Suzanne DeChillo/The New York Times
Opponents helped stop a football stadium on the Far West Side of Manhattan. But so far, those against a new basketball arena in Brooklyn, like protesters on Tuesday fighting the plan and high-rises in Prospect Heights, have not derailed the project.



By JIM RUTENBERG and MICHAEL BRICK
Published: June 9, 2005
As Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg's plan for a Far West Side stadium was going down to defeat this spring, another major plan for a sports arena was quietly coming to fruition in Brooklyn.


Enlarge This Image


Andrea Mohin/The New York Times
The proposed 20,000-seat basketball arena for the Nets' move to Brooklyn.


Like the ill-fated football stadium plan for the Jets, the Brooklyn basketball arena, planned for the Nets by its team owner, the developer Bruce Ratner, would be subsidized by hundreds of millions in taxpayer dollars and include ambitious redevelopment projects in the surrounding area. It would also be an imposing presence near neighborhoods known for their political activism. And the arena, though strongly backed by the mayor, would most likely require approval of the same obscure state group, the Public Authorities Control Board, which voted to kill the West Side stadium proposal on Monday.

Yet, in a reflection of the relatively smooth sailing the Brooklyn project has enjoyed, one of two men on that board who scuttled the West Side plan this week, Senate Majority Leader Joseph L. Bruno, indicated yesterday that he would support the new arena for the Nets, who would move to Brooklyn from New Jersey. The other, Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, said yesterday that he would be far less likely to stand in its way, since it would not hurt business in his Lower Manhattan district.

While the Brooklyn plan still has hurdles, its progress so far is providing an object lesson in how to navigate big projects through the often treacherous and choppy waters of New York state and city politics. In the Brooklyn project, backers have aggressively courted the local community since the project's inception, trying to placate those who could be its most aggressive foes. Perhaps most important, they have reached out to Mr. Silver.

"They worked more cooperatively and openly with elected officials and community leaders," said City Council Speaker Gifford Miller, a mayoral candidate who supports the Brooklyn plan and had become an ardent critic of the West Side stadium plan. "Rather than just saying, look, here it is, now we're going to bring everything we can to bear on you to agree," Mr. Miller said, "I think there was more of a give and take."

In the post-mortems of the failed West Side stadium plan, critics asserted this week that the Jets and the city's point man on the project, Deputy Mayor Daniel L. Doctoroff, had erred by first trying to sidestep state legislators, then building a coalition of supporters too late - most notably failing to court Mr. Silver early enough to win his backing and allay his concerns that the West Side redevelopment plan would hurt efforts to revive Lower Manhattan.

Mr. Bloomberg's aides asserted that Mr. Silver was going to vote against the plan no matter when they began courting him. And even stadium opponents credited the Jets with ultimately building a broad coalition that included both the Rev. Al Sharpton and former Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani. But that coalition did not come together until quite recently, long after a key opponent, Cablevision, had begun running advertisements against the West Side stadium.

In contrast, the company building the Brooklyn arena and a large adjoining residential complex, Forest City Ratner - which is also the development partner of The New York Times for its new headquarters in Midtown - took early pains to keep similar opposition from building. As soon as it set about devising its plan in early 2002, it brought aboard a seasoned team of lobbyists who immediately went to work building support among political leaders, especially Mr. Silver.

The developers went public with their plan in December 2003. In announcing the plan, Mr. Ratner described a $2.5 billion project designed by Frank Gehry atop the Atlantic Terminal railway hub.

Opposition to Mr. Ratner's plan emerged quickly, with preservationists and neighborhood groups forming organizations including the Prospect Heights Action Coalition and Develop Don't Destroy. They called rallies, they covered brownstone Brooklyn with fliers and they drafted alternate development plans, arguing the Ratner plan would flood the neighborhood with traffic and overwhelm a low-density area.

Al Baker and Michael Cooper contributed reporting for this article.

THE DEPARTMENT OF CITY PLANNING INVITES YOU TO AN IMPORTANT PUBLIC MEETING

Subject: THE DEPARTMENT OF CITY PLANNING INVITES YOU TO A PUBLIC MEETING ON THE FRESH KILLS MASTER PLAN
Date: 6/8/2005 4:05:06 PM Eastern Daylight Time
From: MyNYC@nyc.gov
To: reysmontj@aol.com
Sent from the Internet (Details)


June 8, 2005

THE DEPARTMENT OF CITY PLANNING INVITES YOU TO AN IMPORTANT PUBLIC MEETING
REGARDING THE FRESH KILLS PARKLAND MASTER PLAN ON THURSDAY, JUNE 23RD.


Taking into consideration community input from several public design workshops over the last year, the Fresh Kills planning team has now developed the Preliminary Draft Master Plan, which is a major milestone in the City's commitment to transform the Fresh Kills site into parkland. This meeting is important to the process of imagining and projecting a new future for Fresh Kills. A presentation by the planning team's lead consultant, Field Operations, will show the designs and activities anticipated for the site and how Staten Islanders and other park users might experience this new landscape. We invite you to learn more about the Preliminary Draft Master Plan and share your thoughts on this bold transformation of Fresh Kills - from a landfill into a world class park.


When: Thursday, June 23rd at 7:00 PM - 9:30 PM

Where: P.S. 58 -- 77 Marsh Avenue, Staten Island
(Adjacent to the Staten Island Mall)

Light refreshments will be provided

Additional information on the meeting, including directions to the meeting venue, can be found at www.nyc.gov/freshkills.



Sponsored by the NYC Department of City Planning.



---------------------------------
This is the nyc.gov news you requested for: Fresh Kills Master Plan Update or Environmental News.

Wednesday, June 08, 2005

GM to slash 25,000 jobs in U.S. by '08

Click here: Herald.com 06/08/2005 GM to slash 25,000 jobs in U.S. by '08
Posted on Wed, Jun. 08, 2005

AUTOMOTIVE INDUSTRY


GM to slash 25,000 jobs in U.S. by '08

In an attempt to restore profitability, GM announced plans to cut 25,000 manufacturing jobs in the United States by 2008.

BY JOHN PORRETTO

Associated Press


WILMINGTON, Del. - General Motors Corp. plans to close plants and eliminate 25,000 manufacturing jobs in the United States by 2008 in an attempt to restore profitability at the world's largest automaker, its chairman said Tuesday as he fended off calls for his resignation.

Chairman and Chief Executive Rick Wagoner told shareholders at GM's 97th annual meeting in Delaware that the capacity and job cuts should generate annual savings of roughly $2.5 billion. About one out of six jobs in the United States will be eliminated.

Wagoner revealed the cutbacks as he laid out a strategy to invigorate GM's North American operations, its biggest and most troubled, amid lackluster sales of its highly profitable trucks and sport utility vehicles, which have been hurt by high fuel prices.

GM posted a $1.1 billion loss in the first quarter and its U.S. market share has fallen to 25.4 percent from 27 percent a year ago, as customers increasingly are choosing models from Toyota Motor Corp., Nissan Motor Co. and other Asian automakers.

The cuts would be on top of earlier reductions that pared GM's U.S. workforce from 177,000 hourly and salaried employees at the end of 2000 to 150,000 at the end of last year, according to figures provided by GM.

''Let me say up front that our absolute top priority is to get our largest business unit back to profitability as soon as possible,'' said Wagoner, who added that with $20 billion in cash and short-term investments, GM is in no danger of going out of business anytime soon.

''But if we don't fundamentally get at these structural issues -- whether it's gee-whiz, exciting products, or the right distribution, or a solid cost structure in every element of business -- the risk of continually being weakened over time is real,'' he said.

Wagoner wouldn't say which plants are in danger of being closed, but David Cole, chairman of the Center for Automotive Research in Ann Arbor, Mich., said the most likely targets are several older plants. Those include facilities in Janesville, Wis.; Doraville, Ga.; Oklahoma City and Pontiac, Mich., he said. The Janesville plant was built in 1919 and the Doraville plant was built in 1947. The other two plants were built in the 1970s.

Cole said GM probably won't close plants that have recently undergone costly renovations, such as the plant in Lordstown, Ohio, that recently got $1 billion worth of upgrades.

Disgruntled shareholders, who saw the value of their shares fall to a 10-year low in April, gave Wagoner an earful on Tuesday.

Shareholder John Lauve compared the GM leadership to officers aboard the Titanic as it headed for its infamous iceberg. ''The Titanic sank because the directors ignored the warnings,'' said Lauve, who criticized everything from gas gauges in GM vehicles to the company's healthcare cards. ``We need to excel at the basics.''

Fending off such criticism, Wagoner outlined four pressing priorities: increasing spending on new cars and trucks; clarifying the role of each of GM's eight brands; intensifying efforts to reduce costs and improve quality; and continuing to search for ways to reduce skyrocketing healthcare expenses.

Applications Available for Affordable Housing Units Located in Bronx and Central Harlem

Subject: Applications Available for Affordable Housing Units Located in Bronx and Central Harlem - - Eligible Annual Incomes Ranging from $15,920 to $157,000
Date: 6/8/2005 1:18:08 PM Eastern Daylight Time
From: MyNYC@nyc.gov
To: reysmontj@aol.com
Sent from the Internet (Details)


"Apartments and Homes for Rent or Sale"

Applications Available for Affordable Housing Units Located in Bronx and Central Harlem

Eligible Annual Incomes Ranging from $15,920 to $157,000

The New York City Housing Development Corporation (HDC) is pleased to announce that applications are currently available for 3 newly constructed developments in the Bronx and in Central Harlem area. These new housing opportunities were financed by HDC as part of Mayor Bloomberg's affordable housing initiative, The New Housing Marketplace: Creating Housing for the Next Generation.

The first development is located at 1011 Washington Avenue in the Melrose section of the Bronx. This 117-unit development is funded through HDC's Low-Income Affordable Market-Place Program (LAMP). Initial rents range from $561 per month for studios up to $920 for three-bedroom apartments. Units are reserved for households with an annual income ranging from $19,200 to $43,600. (Incomes vary within these bounds depending on apartment size and family size).

To request an application, please send a letter and a self-addressed envelope by mail to:

LMKW Washington Associates LLC
P.O. Box 1174
New York, NY 10035

Completed applications must be returned by regular mail only to a post office box number that will be listed on the application and must be postmarked no later than July 8, 2005.

Eligibility is based on income, family composition, as well as other factors. Tenants will be selected though a lottery system.

Please note that HDC does not rent the apartments; all applications must be requested to the contact information above.

Also in the Bronx is Putnam Gardens II, a 44-unit building located at 3800 Putnam Avenue which is currently accepting applications. Putnam Gardens II is receiving financing through HDC's middle-income New Housing Opportunities Program (New HOP). Initial rents range from $905 a month for one-bedroom up to $1,250 for two-bedroom apartments. Units are reserved for households with an annual income ranging from $36,200 to $120,000. (Incomes vary within these bounds depending on apartment size and family size).


To request an application, please send a letter and a self-addressed stamped envelope by regular mail to:

Putnam Gardens II
5760 Broadway Ave.
2nd Floor
Bronx, NY 10463

Requests for applications must be received no later than July 12, 2005. Completed applications must be postmarked no later than July 19, 2005.

Eligibility is based on income, family composition, as well as other factors. Tenants will be selected though a lottery system.

Please note that HDC does not rent the apartments; all applications must be requested to the contact information above.

Applications are also available for 444 Manhattan Avenue in Central Harlem. This development was financed through HDC's Mixed-Income Program and reserves apartments for low- and middle-income tenants.

Initial rents for the low-income units range from $398 per month for studios up to $652 for two-bedroom apartments. Units are reserved for households with an annual income ranging from $15,920 to $31,400. (Incomes vary within these bounds depending on apartment size and family size).

To request an application for the low-income units, please send a letter and a self addressed envelope by regular mail to:

Manhattan Development
2214 Frederick Douglas Blvd. #281
New York, NY 10026

Requests for applications without a self-addressed envelope will not be returned. Completed applications must be returned by regular mail only to a post office box number that will be listed on the application and must be postmarked no later than July 23, 2005. Applicants are required to meet income and other selection criteria and will be selected through a lottery system.

Please note that HDC does not rent the apartments; all applications must be requested to the contact information above.


Initial rents for middle-income units range from $1,045 per month for studios up to $1,810 for two-bedroom apartments. Units are reserved for households with an annual income ranging from $41,800 to $157,000. (Incomes vary within these bounds depending on apartment size and family size).

To request an application for the middle-income units, please send a letter and a self-addressed stamped envelope by regular mail to:

119 Manhattan Equities, LLC
888-C 8th Avenue #554
New York, NY 10019

Requests for applications without a self-addressed envelope will not be returned. Completed applications must be returned by regular mail only to a post office box number that will be listed on the application and must be postmarked no later than July 15, 2005.

Eligibility is based on income, family composition, as well as other factors. Tenants will be selected though a lottery system.

Please note that HDC does not rent the apartments; all applications must be requested to the contact information above.